Sixth Meeting

Thursday, December 7, 2000

Meeting Agenda

1. Matters relating to the Constitution of Japan (A vision for Japan in the 21st century)

After statements were heard from Prof. MATSUMOTO Ken'ichi and Prof. WATANABE Shoichi concerning the above matters, questions were put to them.

Informants:

Members who put questions to Prof. MATSUMOTO

Members who put questions to Prof. WATANABE


Main points of Prof. MATSUMOTO's statement

Introduction

Japan has previously experienced a "first opening" in the late Edo and early Meiji periods (i.e., the mid-19th century), and a "second opening" after its defeat in the Pacific War; the present era is that of a "third opening" of the nation.

1. Defending our nation ourselves

>> As Japan experiences its "third opening," on the global scene, the pattern of East-West confrontation has disappeared with the end of the Cold War, and there is ongoing globalization, which means that people, goods, money, and information are moving to and fro across national borders. Under these conditions, unless the Japanese defend their nation themselves, they will find it difficult to maintain their own presence in world history and to preserve their land, culture, and historical heritage.

2. Rebuilding a national identity

>> In order to defend our nation ourselves, we need to rebuild our national identity, not through military or economic power but primarily in cultural terms. Many other nations of the world are currently rebuilding their national identity; take, for example, Taiwan's and China's experiments with a new approach to the teaching of history.

3. A "people's constitution"

>> In this current era of the "third opening," we should enact a new "people's constitution" based on the will of the Japanese people to defend their nation themselves. Since the existence of the Self Defense Forces is unconstitutional, we should stop trying to disguise that fact and add a third paragraph to Article 9, making explicit provision for Japan to possess an army of self-defense.

4. Public election of the prime minister, or national referenda

>> In the case of both public election of the prime minister and national referenda on major issues that have a fundamental bearing on the national identity, there is some risk of increasing domestic dissension and even inviting mob rule. However, both systems have the advantage of encouraging the public to be aware of their own political responsibilities and to take an interest in politics, and they should therefore be institutionalized in the Constitution.

5. Relationship with the Emperor system

>> The system of the "Emperor as symbol" is a uniquely Japanese cultural system which is separated from power.

>> Some people argue that introducing a system of public election of the prime minister would lead to a prime ministership that resembles a presidency, and that this would conflict with the Emperor system. That argument does not apply, however, since the Emperor should be a cultural symbol completely separated from power.
 

Main points of questions put to Prof. MATSUMOTO

HIRASAWA Katsuei (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> What can be done to foster the "national identity" of which you have spoken?

>> You have said that the Emperor should be a symbolic figure of cultural authority, completely separated from political power, but do you also think that diplomacy and similar activities on the part of the Emperor should be kept to a minimum? Which stance do you think is preferable: that the Emperor should make frequent public appearances and comments in order to lower the barrier between himself and the people, or that he should strictly limit his public appearances and comments?

>> You advocate introducing public election of the prime minister; how do you see this as being related to the parliamentary cabinet system?

>> What do you think of the idea of granting the right to vote in local elections to foreign permanent residents?

>> I would like to hear your comments on the future of education, including revision of the Fundamental Law of Education.
 

NAKANO Kansei (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> What do you think of the complex mixture of internationalism, as seen for example in the European Union's supranational ideals, and the nationalism involved in establishing a "national identity"?

>> In the event that a system of public election of the prime minister were to be introduced, would that mean that the Emperor would not be head of state? In that case, what should we understand the relationship to be between the Emperor's authority and state power?
 

AKAMATSU Masao (New Komeito)

>> You spoke of a "system fatigue of the Constitution of Japan"; in what ways is this fatigue evident?

>> It is my personal belief that we should not recognize the right of collective self-defense, but that we should write provisions into the Constitution enabling Japan to participate in collective security centered on the United Nations or related agencies. What are your views on these points?

>> What do you understand to be the relationship between national identity, patriotism, and willingness to cooperate on a global level?

>> You have divided Japanese history from the Meiji Restoration to the present day into "three openings of the nation," but is it not difficult to make such a clear-cut division?
 

TAKEYAMA Yuriko (Liberal Party)

>> At our last meeting one of the informants, Governor ISHIHARA Shintaro of Tokyo, advocated negating the "MacArthur Constitution" and enacting a new one. Which do you think is more desirable, to enact a new constitution or to revise the existing one?

>> I believe that when we debate the future of the Constitution we need to ascertain how we perceive Japanese history. What is your view on this?

>> Do you think that it is possible to revise the Constitution under the existing amendment procedure, which requires initiation by the Diet "through a concurring vote of two-thirds or more of all the members of each House"? The Liberal Party's draft of a new constitution proposes that this should be changed to "through a concurring vote of more than half of all the members"; what do you think of this proposal?

>> With regard to international contributions, until now Japan's contributions have been mainly in the economic sphere. In future, what kind of role do you think Japan should play?
 

YAMAGUCHI Tomio (Japanese Communist Party)

>> I would suggest that, in light of the progress being made toward peace in Asia, as seen, for example, in the dialogue between North and South Korea, and in the nuclear-free zone treaty in Southeast Asia, your idea of making explicit provision in Article 9 for the possession of an army of self-defense is inappropriate. Should we not instead take the route of fully implementing Article 9?

>> In your conception of the "three openings," where do you situate such concerns as establishing a fair and equitable economic environment for the developing nations, redressing the gap between rich and poor, and protecting the global environment?

>> You call for the sovereignty of the people to be stated explicitly, but what conditions are there at present which, in your view, are not consistent with popular sovereignty?
 

HIMORI Fumihiro (Social Democratic Party)

>> There seems to be a tendency in recent education to distort historical facts. What is your view on this?

>>Should we not make the "pacifism" of the Constitution Japan's national identity?

>> You have stated that Article 9 of the Constitution should be revised to include an explicit provision for the possession of an army for self-defense.  Would this not have an adverse effect on our relations with other countries in Asia?
 

UDAGAWA Yoshio (21st Century Club)

>> Like you, I am in favor of introducing a system of public election of the prime minister, but what do you consider to be the advantages and disadvantages of such a system?

>> In my view, the power of the prime minister should be strengthened. However, even if a system of public election of the prime minister is introduced, will not the power of the office continue to be limited unless the relationship between that system and the parliamentary cabinet system is adjusted?

>> I am in favor of conducting national referenda, but would it not be inconsistent with parliamentary democracy to institute a system of national referenda, either in the Constitution or by legislation?
 

KOIKE Yuriko (New Conservative Party)

>> How can the word "identity" best be expressed in Japanese?

>> Why do you think young people lack the spirit to protect their own country?

>> In order to prevent a system of public election of the prime minister from leading to populism, what do you think of requiring, for example, that a nomination be endorsed by thirty members of the Diet? Also, in the event that a system of direct election was introduced, would the head of state be the Emperor or the prime minister?
 

Main points of Prof. WATANABE's statement

1. Points of Japan's prewar conduct on which we should reflect

>> Before the war, Japan was pursuing a steady course of modernization and democratization under the Constitution of the Empire of Japan, the first constitution enacted independently by a nonwhite race.

>> However, this ended in failure as a National Socialist climate that was hostile to liberalism gradually intensified, due to the rise of what was known as the "right wing" but was actually on the left, having been influenced by the communist revolution in Russia, and also due to the growing power of the military and the bureaucracy.

2. Points of Japan's postwar conduct on which we should reflect

>> Postwar Japan achieved growth centered on heavy industry and became an economic superpower surpassing the United States.

>> However, because the bureaucracy placed little importance on private ownership and continued to pursue socialistic policies, the Japanese economy has broken down as the post-Cold War world has increasingly moved toward free markets.

3. The way to a bright future

>> Reflecting on its two past failures, Japan should break free of the mind control exercised by "Marxist" ideas such as the abolition of private ownership and inheritance, and the nationalization of the means of production and distribution.

>> To protect private property, appropriate taxation measures are needed. Specifically, the inheritance tax should be abolished, along with the legally secured portion of succession (a fixed proportion of an inheritance which goes to specified family members by law), and the income tax should be set at a flat rate of 10 percent.

>> Tax reform will create favorable conditions for state management by bringing an influx of people, money, goods, information, and so on into the country.

4. A constitution for a bright future

>> In order to make a clear statement to the world that private property is protected, the upper limit of the tax rate should be stipulated in the Constitution.
 

Main points of questions put to Prof. WATANABE

TANAKA Makiko (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> What is your opinion of the extent of the prime minister's power, and also of ways to ensure that that power is exercised efficiently?

>> What do you think of the suggestion that the Cabinet Law should be revised to provide the prime minister with powers more like those of a president?

>> What is your view regarding the maintenance of the Emperor system?

>> What is your understanding of Article 9?
 

MAKINO Seishu (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> Is it not impossible to break out of the present impasse solely by pursuing self-responsibility, self-help, and efficiency? Is there not, in fact, a need for policies that strike a balance between a certain amount of regulation and protection on the one hand, and free competition on the other?

>> I believe that the recent scandals in industry and in medical treatment are a result of putting efficiency before everything else. What is your view of this?

>> What form do you think education in this country should take in the future?
 

OTA Akihiro (New Komeito)

>> What defects in the Constitution of the Empire of Japan made it unable to halt the nation's descent into militarism? Also, the Constitution of the Empire of Japan assigned the "prerogative of supreme command" to the Emperor; was this different from the Emperor system prior to that time? Further, I would like to know at what point in time you consider Japan to have begun acts of aggression.

>> In order to ensure that Japan maintains its identity in the current economic situation, in which the debate on market reforms is being driven by the United States, is there not a need for changes in the economic system itself, e.g., providing a safety net to correct income disparities?
 

TASSO Takuya (Liberal Party)

>> Would you agree that tax cuts are the decisive factor in reconstructing public finances?

>> I believe that the existing Constitution was a product of the 20th century, and that as we look ahead into the 21st century, we should aim to create a constitution that gives consideration to such areas as internationalization and the increasing importance of information.

>> I believe that, to a certain extent, the national government should establish the direction to be taken with regard to the Japanese people's moral development, culture and traditions, educational issues, and so on. What are your views on this?
 

HARUNA Naoyuki (Japanese Communist Party)

>> You spoke of aspects of prewar Japan on which we should reflect, but should we not be reflecting on the fact that Japan conducted a war of aggression and instituted absolute rule? Also, would not Japan set a pioneering course for the 21st century if it held to the direction indicated by Article 9, which is at the leading edge of the historical movement to outlaw war?

>> When considering taxation issues in relation to the Constitution, which points of the Constitution should one note in particular?

>> Should we not correct the unequal tax burden under the present system of taxation and related measures, which favors the rich? Also, would not the flat tax that you advocate make the system even more retrogressive?

>> What are your views on the lack of transparency regarding how tax revenues are used, the problem of wasteful public spending, and other distortions in the tax system?
 

TSUJIMOTO Kiyomi (Social Democratic Party)

>> I think we need to gain an accurate understanding of economic globalization based on a recognition of both its positive and its negative sides. What is your view in this regard?

>> The question of which is better, "big government" or "small government", can be recast in terms of whether a system of "public help" is better than one of "self-help," but I believe that the concept of "mutual help," which is different from either of these approaches, will become important in the future. What is your view in this regard?

>> From the viewpoint of protecting the environment, I believe we need economic policies that take into account the capacity of the Earth as a whole. What is your view of this?
 

UDAGAWA Yoshio (21st Century Club)

>> The Constitution of Japan guarantees a number of freedoms. Which of them do you consider to be the most important, and what other freedoms, if any, do you consider necessary?

>> The existing tax system hinders the smooth inheritance of agricultural land and small- and medium-sized businesses; I would like to hear your views on reforming this system.
 

KOIKE Yuriko (New Conservative Party)

>> Would you tell us your views on making English an official language?

>> It seems to me that the mass media do not provide the public with the information that they should be providing, but instead attempt to practice mind control on the public. What is your view of this?

>> What groundwork do you think needs to be done to enable the Japanese to think strategically?