Subcommittee on Security and International Cooperation (Third Meeting)

Thursday, April 3, 2003

Meeting Agenda

Matters concerning security and international cooperation (international cooperation, especially ODA)

After keynote statements were heard from Subcommittee members NODA Takeshi and SUTO Nobuhiko, discussion among the members followed.

Keynote Speakers

Members who spoke or asked questions

Main points of Keynote Speaker NODA's statement (including comments in reply to Mr. KONDO's question

1. Preface

>> In the contemporary world, where international mutual interdependence is strengthening, international cooperation is deemed important for the development and prosperity of Japan and of the international community.

2. The UN system and Japan

[1] The Dysfunctional UN

>> Since it was founded, the UN has not been able to function sufficiently in maintaining international peace and security, because it has been difficult for the UN to make complex adjustments related to conflicts of interest among nations. The UN is now facing various pressing issues including those regarding veto power, the composition of the Security Council, and adjusting to the changes of the post Cold War era.

>> To improve and strengthen the functions of the UN, from the perspective of making UN resolutions operative, democratic and effective decision-making procedures should be established for the Security Council, and diverse conflict-resolution systems should be established within the UN system.

[2] Japan's involvement with the UN

>> The Constitution of Japan was established based on the ideal, immediately after the conclusion of World War II, of an international social order centered on the UN.

>> Japan should be actively and autonomously involved in the reform of the UN. In conjunction with this:

  1. Japan should consider revising its constitution to ensure the nation's security based on its own strength, and to responsibly fulfill its duties to the international community;
  2. Japan should seek the abolition of the enemy state clauses in the UN Charter, and a revision of the assessed UN contributions; and
  3. The UN should be positively utilized in fields such as the economy, the environment, human rights, and development.

3. Japan's ODA policies

[1] Current status and issues of Japanese ODA

>> While the current status of Japanese ODA deserves some praise, it has been pointed out that we need to review and revise our ODA policy to see that both the universal values and Japan's own national interests are fully pursued.

[2] Specific future ODA policies

>> Specific future ODA policies should include: (a) implementing ODA with a more strategic emphasis; (b) incorporating "human security" and other new concepts in ODA implementation; (c) implementing ODA on Japan's own initiative, for instance, by departing from the past practice of "request-based" ODA; (d) making greater efforts to gain Japanese citizens' understanding; and (e) implementing better liaison among all the concerned Japanese government ministries and agencies.

4. Conclusions

>> I propose that April 28th be proclaimed "Recovery of Independence Day" so that the younger generation will learn about the interruption of history from the defeat in World War II and about the recovery of Japanese independence on that date in 1952.

>> I think it is the duty of politicians to clearly stipulate, in the Constitution, Japan's right to defend itself, as a matter of course as an independent nation.

Main points of Keynote Speaker SUTO's statement

1. ODA and the Constitution

>> The Constitution of Japan is exceptionally ethical, far-sighted and international. The Preamble refers to the security of all humankind, and this provides the basis for Japan's ODA policy.

2. The constitutional basis for reparations, economic cooperation and foreign aid

>> Japan's initial ODA, which took the forms of post-war reparations, economic cooperation and foreign aid, was consistent with Japan's national interests, as narrowly defined. However, Japan's subsequent ODA, which has been based on responding to the "human security" and other new needs of the international community, has not been directly linked to Japan's national interests, as narrowly defined, and questions have been raised about the constitutional basis for this type of ODA.

3. Noble concepts about to move the world; global interests and national interests

>> However, the lofty ideals of the Constitution note that war and its causes - discrimination and the disparity of wealth - must be redefined as global problems rather than as the problems of any single state, and must be solved within a global framework. From this perspective, we should once again reconsider the value of the Preamble as providing the basis for Japan's present ODA activities and should actively develop such activities.

4. The dramatic upheaval of the post Cold War world

>> Following the end of the Cold War, the world has entered into a period of dramatic change, with the outbreaks of regional conflicts, civil wars and refugees, the emergence of terrorism, the advance of globalism, and widespread poverty.

5. Failures of international organizations

>> The UN Security Council, UNICEF and other international organizations have failed in their response to these types of radical changes, and there are now calls for a transformation and reorganization of these international organs.

6. New factors

>> Japan's international cooperation needs to be reviewed giving consideration to the following factors that were not anticipated at the time that the Constitution was enacted: (a) the correlation between national security and economic cooperation; (b) the transformation of nation-states and the shifting of national boundaries from regional conflicts, terrorism, and other developments; (c) the global viewpoint of addressing problems from a world perspective; (d) the concept of "human security;" (e) the emergence of concepts such as "governance" and "democratization" as the international community's responses to poverty and other threats to human security; and (f) the relation between the roles now expected of civil society organizations, which lie in between the state and the individual, and Article 89 of the Constitution which stipulates the restrictions on using public monies to support such organs.

7. Seeking new constitutional bases for ODA

>> I propose that the main body of the Constitution should stipulate (a) the ideal for foreign aid, (b) the involvement of the Diet in foreign aid, and (c) value standards for a proper ODA balance between national interests and global interests, including third-party verification.

>> The responsibility of the Japanese government should be pursued for providing large amounts of aid to Iraq while that country allocated 40% of its national budget to military expenses. I believe that providing ODA to nations with extreme wealth disparities, and which fail to address the poverty of specific groups, exacerbates fear, famine and conflicts, and is unconstitutional.

Main points of questions and comments

KONDO Motohiko (Liberal Democratic Party)

(To both speakers)

>> I understand the need for more strategic ODA given the limited ODA budget due to the economic slump. Which regions and fields do you think should be given priority in ODA policy?

> NODA Takeshi (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> By region, we should give priority to Asian nations. By field, we should give priority to the environment.

> SUTO Nobuhiko (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> We can achieve the spirit of international cooperation put forth in the Preamble and improve global welfare by giving ODA priority to comprehensive conflict resolution - including conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction - and to the elimination of absolute poverty.


KONNO Azuma (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

(To Mr. NODA)

>> You have stated that the Iraq problem demonstrates that the UN is dysfunctional. I think the problem has arisen because the United States disregarded the UN and put its own national interests first. I think there were still roles that the UN could have fulfilled. What is your opinion about this?

(Comments)

>> The constitutional basis for ODA may be found in the international cooperation and pacifism espoused in the Preamble to the Constitution.

>> Japanese ODA has been criticized as a hotbed of vested interests, as lacking ideals, and as focusing overly on physical structures. The Japanese people have become suspicious of ODA. For the people to recognize ODA as a tool to gain the gratitude and trust of the recipient nations, we must (a) establish a process to check development survey works, (b) revise the "request-based" approach that is one cause of the lack of transparency in implementation, and (c) make use of grassroots approaches via NGOs, etc.

> NODA Takeshi (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> The U.S. cannot be indiscriminately blamed for the entire situation. Security Council resolutions cannot be adopted without agreement among all the permanent members, and the burden of proof regarding the weapons of mass destruction lay with the Iraqi government. Moreover, it only became possible to implement the inspections once Iraq was placed under U.S. military pressure. I do think it is necessary to consider how UN resolutions can be made operative.


AKAMATSU Masao (New Komeito)

(To both speakers)

>> You have mentioned the ongoing shift from "national security" to "human security." Could you provide a more concrete image of "human security" and more details about what this approach entails?

>> What is your opinion regarding the provision of ODA to China?

>> It was commented that the approach to ODA should be stipulated in the Preamble to the Constitution. What is your opinion regarding the proposed enactment of a Basic Law on Overseas Development Assistance, which would stipulate the nation's basic approach to ODA?

> NODA Takeshi (Liberal Democratic Party)

>>The "human security" concept is being emphasized, from the perspective of respecting human dignity, because conflicts may occur not only among nations but also among ethnic groups, etc.

>> While Japan originally provided ODA to China as war reparations in the form of "economic cooperation," Japanese ODA to China should now be reviewed and possibly limited to specific fields such as environmental preservation considering (a) China's present economic power and military strength, and (b) Japan's national interests.

>> I am concerned that the enactment of a Basic Law on Overseas Development Assistance would render Japan's ODA approach fixed and rigid. I think the flexible, mobile approach under the present ODA Charter is preferable.

> SUTO Nobuhiko (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> The background to the calls for "human security" includes: (a) cases where individuals' security has been violated by states in regional conflicts; (b) cases where states have collapsed and people's welfare and human rights cannot be protected; (c) cases where human life and security are threatened not by conflicts among states but by starvation, etc. This is why the unit of security, in certain cases, is shifting from the state to the individual and the family.

>> As for Japanese ODA to China, there is the history of "economic cooperation" as post-war reparations, but we now need to hold new discussions regarding what China is seeking. At that time, it is important to provide aid from the perspective of promoting peace and prosperity in Asia.

>> I agree that a Basic Law on Overseas Development Assistance should be enacted to clarify the need for ODA and the ideal approach. Moreover, I feel that this should later be incorporated into the Constitution.


FUJISHIMA Masayuki (Liberal Party)

(Comments)

>> International cooperation should be divided into national security on the one hand and economic aspects (such as ODA) on the other, and they should be considered separately.

>> I had expectations toward the UN following the first Gulf War, but the UN has now become dysfunctional with the attack on Iraq. This has reminded me of the truth that the world is now being moved by naked power.

>> As for the security issue, Japan should further put forward its national interests at the UN and at other international forums. And when considering pacifism and international cooperation, we should recognize that pacifism does not necessarily negate the use of military force.

>> ODA promotes stability and development in developing nations, and is also linked with Japan's security and national interests. Japan presently provides assistance to China, Thailand, India and other nations that are becoming Japan's economic competitors, and in some cases Japanese aid is being diverted for military uses. I think that these types of actions violate the purport of ODA.

(To Mr. NODA)
>> I understand that follow-up evaluations after projects are completed are important for ODA. What are your thoughts regarding the relationship between Japan's national interests and such post-project evaluations?

>> What do you think about providing ODA to nations whose actions conflict with Japan's national interests?

> NODA Takeshi (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> Follow-up evaluations are important, and these have not been conducted sufficiently in the past. From now on, we need to emphasize the taxpayer's perspective and strictly check (a) the level of direct linkage to Japan's national interests, and (b) the project evaluations by the recipient nations.

>> Considering our priorities by country and region, Japanese ODA to China should be reviewed and possibly limited to the environmental field.


HARUNA Naoaki (Japanese Communist Party)

(To both speakers)

>> The greatest distortion in Japanese ODA at present is the weakness of our humanitarian assistance. Considering the Preamble to the Constitution and the global conditions of the 21st century, I feel that it is humanitarian assistance that is the most important. What is your opinion?

(To Mr. NODA)

>> Do you think that revising Japan's ODA policy to make it more strategic and to emphasize Japan's national interests will result in placing greater emphasis on humanitarian assistance?

(To Mr. SUTO)

>> Japan's ODA presently gives top priority to the interests of Japanese corporations, and is centered on economic infrastructure. I think this should be revised to emphasize humanitarian assistance and improving social infrastructure. What is your opinion?

> NODA Takeshi (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> To date Japan's ODA policies have emphasized the economic development of developing nations, and supporting these nations in building up structures to achieve economic independence. Thus, Japanese aid has focused on technology and infrastructural aspects, and not necessarily placed the greatest emphasis on the humanitarian assistance field. We should provide humanitarian assistance support from now on.

>> I agree with the policy direction of placing greater emphasis on humanitarian assistance, but this will require a review of the meaning of humanitarian assistance. For example, providing food aid is not sufficient in and of itself. Rather, we should adopt a multi-faceted perspective on humanitarian assistance, for example, to include items like personnel training to promote self-sufficiency, and educational cooperation.

> SUTO Nobuhiko (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> Rather than using the term "weak" to describe Japan's humanitarian assistance to date, I would say it has been non-existent. Humanitarian assistance involves specific values and value judgments, and Japan has failed to make these judgments. One reason for this has been the belief that economic cooperation will create wealth which will eliminate human suffering. Another factor is that Japan followed the UN's principles of neutrality and universality which state that providing aid to specific groups within a recipient nation may violate that nation's sovereignty.

>> While there is no question regarding the importance of humanitarian assistance, effective implementation can be complicated. For example, providing aid to dig wells in semi-arid regions may result in the exhaustion of water resources, and providing food aid may wind up harming local food distribution systems. Moreover, the provision of food aid requires soldiers to guard the shipments, and this could make it impossible for Japan to provide such aid. I think we need to hold in-depth discussions regarding these issues related to the actual implementation of humanitarian assistance.


IMAGAWA Masami (Social Democratic Party)

(Comments)

>> The U.S. attacks on Afghanistan and on Iraq are both in violation of international law.

>> I believe that if we permit the arrogance of the U.S., which is violating international law under its unilateral hegemony, to go unchecked, the world will fall into the anarchy of great-power dominance. More than ever before, now is the time when we must establish rules based on the ideals of the UN Charter and reinforce the international system to make these rules effective. We also need to review Japan's relations with the UN to date.

(To both speakers)

>> My personal opinion is that the UN should become the world's sole policeman, that each nation should systematically abandon its armaments, and that, at the very least, the military power retained by individual nations should not exceed that maintained by UN Forces. The UN Forces would then become "stateless" rather than "multi-lateral." The command authority would rest with the UN itself, and the finances required to maintain the UN forces would come from the savings generated by the reductions in each nation's military expenditures. I think that Japan will only be able to provide man-power assistance in accordance with the international cooperation called for in the Constitution once this type of security structure is realized.

> NODA Takeshi (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> Mr. IMAGAWA's comments present very noble ideals, but I think that they are unrealistic. The permanent members of the UN Security Council emphasize their own national interests, and if their veto rights were abolished the UN might collapse. The important items are to reinforce the UN's functions, and to supplement areas that are beyond the UN's limitations.

> SUTO Nobuhiko (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents) >> While there are problems with the current situation whereby one nation has unipolar military dominance, an excessive centralization of military power at the UN could result in diseconomies of integration that might be referred to as "scale demerits." Because of this, I think we should start by integrating regions that share a common foundation and then seeking ways to maintain peace within those regions.

Main points of comments by members of the Subcommittee (in order of presentation)

NAKAYAMA Taro, Chairman of the Commission

>> UN Forces presently maintain seven bases in Japan, in accordance with the UN Charter. I want to let the Japanese people know the fact that these bases are defending Japan's security. I also think we need to discuss the relationship between the UN and national security, including the constitutional issues.


NAKANO Kansei (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> The fact pointed out by Chairman NAKAYAMA is not widely known, but it is important.

>> To move toward the type of "world federation" proposed by Mr. IMAGAWA, it will be important to prescribe laws, like Germany's Basic Law, that transfer some sovereignty to international organizations, and to accumulate a succession of efforts, such as participation in the International Court of Justice.

>> The present situation at the UN is that the U.S., acting on behalf of a small number of great powers, is implementing military action that is opposed by a large number of small nations, withdrawing from international organs, and failing to pay its UN dues. Japan should actively submit more proposals regarding the democratization and reform of the UN.

>> The former Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kwan Yew, once described Japanese aid to Indonesia as using the money of a wealthy nation's poor people to make the rich people in a poor nation even richer. I think this comment accurately describes the actual conditions of Japanese ODA. We need to discuss the ideal approach for ODA giving due consideration to this problem.


KUWABARA Yutaka (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> The five great powers have veto rights at the UN Security Council, and it is difficult for the UN to reach agreement as a body. Regardless, I think that the "regional arrangements" stipulated in Chapter 8 of the UN Charter should be utilized to work toward peace and security in each region, and that Japanese efforts to promote peace and security in Northeast Asia would enhance UN functions.

>> Considering the Constitution's renunciation of war, and its emphasis on international cooperation and the right to live in peace, I think ODA should play as important a role in Japan's security structure as the Self Defense Forces or the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.

>> There are various problems with ODA including a great deal of waste, the involvement of special interests, and the diversion of aid for military purposes, and thus at present ODA is not necessarily linked to the security of Japan and the world. International rules and organizations should be established for evaluating aid. These should include systems for evaluating ongoing and completed projects through policy consultations related to ODA, etc..


NAKAYAMA Masaaki (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> Considering that Japan is providing a vast amount of ODA to regions around China, I think we are actually assisting the U.S. global strategy.

>> Japan should work to prevent nuclear attacks by inviting the United Nations to establish an organ in Hiroshima or Nagasaki devoted to the abolition of nuclear weapons.


KONNO Azuma (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> Since the 2001 terrorist attacks, the U.S. and other developed countries have shown a willingness to address the poverty in developing counties based on a recognition that anti-poverty measures are important for the eradication of terrorism. Japan's ODA approach is being questioned in this context. We need to reform our present ODA structure to emphasize social development and the elimination of poverty, to cast away the former attitude of superiority as a donor country, and otherwise implement a fully credible ODA program. At the same time, we need to enact the Basic Law on Overseas Development Assistance to make ODA more objective and open to the citizenry.


HARUNA Naoaki (Japanese Communist Party)

>> The constitutional basis for ODA can be found not only in the Preamble to the Constitution, but also in the international cooperation emphasized in Article 9 and Article 98, Paragraph 2, and thus there is no need for any new stipulations.

>> People in every nation are presently calling for the Security Council to resume its deliberations, and I think that a problem-solving approach centered on the UN is being sought. Since the U.S. is the one that withdrew from a UN-centered problem-solving approach, it is the U.S. that must be viewed as problematic.

>> The problems with Japanese ODA include (a) excessive emphasis on economic infrastructure and insufficient emphasis on social infrastructure, and (b) its being saddled with the role of complementing U.S. global strategy. These problems must be resolved to realize the spirit espoused by the Preamble to the Constitution and to respond to the expectations of the world, and we should emphasize humanitarian assistance in implementing ODA.


NAKAYAMA Masaaki (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> All nations should be made members of the United Nations. We should make Taiwan join the UN and hold consultations with China after Taiwan has been made a member of the UN.

>> I have doubts about whether the UN will be able to sufficiently fulfill its functions. As a nation that provides massive funds to the UN, Japan should insist on extensive UN discussions of the North Korean problem to determine how the UN will act in response to this problem.