Subcommittee on Security and International Cooperation (Fourth Meeting)

Thursday, April 22, 2004

Meeting Agenda

Matters concerning security and international cooperation (regional security, including the FTA issue from a constitutional viewpoint)

After a statement was heard from Prof. KIKUCHI Tsutomu concerning the above matters, questions were put to him. This was followed by free discussion among the members.

Informant

  • KIKUCHI Tsutomu, Professor, School of International Politics, Economics and Business, Aoyama Gakuin University

Members who put questions to Prof. KIKUCHI

Main points of Prof. KIKUCHI's statement

1. Premises for thinking about Asia-Pacific regional security

>> In thinking about regional security in the Asia-Pacific, the following points are important: (a) placing emphasis not only on Japan's own security, but on joint cooperative relationships with other members of the region and the international community; (b) taking an integrated approach that includes elements in addition to military strength, such as economic activity; (c) dealing with threats from non-state organizations such as terrorists.

2. Diversity and the coexistence of different security relationships among Asia-Pacific nations

>> Nations in the Asia-Pacific region fall into three groups: (a) stable, fully modernized states like Japan and Australia; (b) states in the process of modernizing, such as China and the Southeast Asian nations; (c) states that are structurally fragile, such as Myanmar, the Philippines, and some South Pacific nations. Group a nations are very unlikely to use force as a means of solving disputes, but there remains a strong possibility that those in Group b may use force as a show of strength, while in Group c nations, law and order is shaky and their economies are in disarray. Thus, a challenge for regional security in the Asia-Pacific is to address problems that involve states belonging to Groups b and c.

>> Issues facing the nations in Groups b and c include: (A) the fact that, due to the immaturity of their governance structures, they are in political and economic disarray and have become breeding grounds for international crime and terrorism; (B) the importance of deterrence to prevent the use of military force, given the serious confrontations that exist in Northeast Asia, particularly on the Korean Peninsula and over the Taiwan question (while among the ASEAN nations, on the other hand, there is a reduced likelihood of large-scale conflict as ASEAN helps to gain wider acceptance of standards for peaceful settlement of interstate disputes); (C) the existence of new security problems including those that extend beyond national borders, such as terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, and economic problems such as the 1997 currency crisis.

3. The responses of nations in the region

[1] Strengthening the role of alliances

>> Alliances like the spokes of a wheel with the United States at their hub have long existed in the Asia-Pacific region. In recent years, however, concern has been directed toward consolidating and improving the regional security environment. As a function of new alliance relationships, the need arises not just to address threats but to manage risk and face uncertainty.

>> In recent years, the Japan-U.S. alliance has begun to be evaluated by other Asian nations as having played a role that serves the common interest in Asia's development process.

[2] Expansion of regional security dialogues

>> Intergovernmental ("first track") forums such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and ASEAN + 3 (ASEAN plus Japan, China, and South Korea) are fostering relationships of trust through dialogue and carrying out joint projects in fields that are not politically contentious, such as antipiracy measures and development of human resources.

>> Forums at the "second track" level, which is partly nongovernmental, promote mutual understanding and make policy recommendations to governments. Examples include the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) and the Shangri-La Dialog (a series of meetings among defense ministers and experts).

[3] Joint interventions or engagement in domestic affairs by regional states

>> ASEAN, which has made a principle of not interfering in the domestic affairs of member states, is intervening in a "soft" way vis-à-vis Myanmar's military government; also, troops, mainly from Australia, have been sent to restore order in the Solomons.

4. Economics and security (the FTA Issue)

>> History tells us that increased economic interdependence does not automatically mean that the use of military force will be curtailed. It can also be said that closer economic relations will not develop until political relations are improved.

>> Free Trade Agreements (FTA) have various contents. FTAs that include developing nations often do not reach a deep level of integration, and, in my view, FTAs in Asia will have a limited influence on national economies.

>> On the positive side of FTAs, we can cite the following, among other points: (a) by promoting the formation of domestic economic systems in line with international rules, they help stabilize the regional and international economies; (b) political forces that value ties with the international economy are on the rise, and their influence restrains governmental behavior that would impede economic exchanges; (c) cross-border business partnerships give rise to common interests across national borders.

>> Factors on the downside of FTAs include: (a) the risk of causing an imbalance of interests among member nations and thus giving rise to internal political conflict; (b) negative effects on the international trade system, as FTAs lower their members' level of commitment to WTO negotiations.

>> As we have seen, FTAs can be expected to be effective in improving security to a certain extent, but, in my view, we cannot expect too much.

Main points of questions and comments to Prof. KIKUCHI

ITO Kosuke (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> Trial GDP estimates for 2050 predict the rise of China to the point where it will overtake the United States. Against this background, Japan is not steering a clear diplomatic course. Japan should work actively to ensure that the United Nations functions properly, and should also study what form its own ODA should take. I would like to hear your views on the best form of security for Japan and the Asian region.

>> In thinking about the Asian regional security framework, whether to recognize the exercise of the right of collective self-defense becomes a key point. Would there be anything to prevent us setting certain conditions in recognizing the exercise of this right, such as geographical limits, or restricting its exercise to situations closely linked to Japan's own security; that is, would Japan's inability to take the same actions as other nations cause any problems? Alternatively, instead of setting conditions in advance, should we make political judgments on a case-by-case basis, according to the situation at the time?


SHINOHARA Takashi (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> In light of Japan's past history of having invaded other Asian nations, isn't there a danger that a heightened Japanese economic presence in Asia through FTAs will be seen by them as a threat?

>> When nations are too interdependent, this can sometimes lead to turmoil, as we saw during the currency crisis. For this reason, isn't it important to ensure that we do not become overly dependent on other nations?


FUKUSHIMA Yutaka (New Komeito)

>> While preventive efforts are important to regional security, at the same time, I believe that we should also discuss what action Japan can take in the event of a military emergency in the Asian region. In light of past history, what role should Japan play in the event that such an emergency occurs?

>> Viewing our relationship with the United States in Asian regional security within a global context, to what extent should Japan coordinate with the United States?

>> In my view, if Japan is to have an influence on the actions of the United States, the functions of the United Nations need to be strengthened. I would like to hear your ideas about what steps can be taken to achieve this.

>> Regarding FTAs in Asia, I think there is one movement in that direction centered on China and another centered on Japan. I would like to hear your views on this point.


SHIOKAWA Tetsuya (Japanese Communist Party)

>> What role and functions has the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia fulfilled in relation to stability in Southeast Asia?

>> As I see it, there was some hesitation on Japan's part over acceding to the Treaty as a cooperating non-member nation. What do you think of the government's approach?

>> How do you view the argument that Japan's failure to come to terms with the war of aggression that it waged in the past is a barrier in its relations with other Asian nations?

>> In thinking about security in the Asia-Pacific region, the U.S. presence is a major issue. How would you say the other Asian nations view the fact that, in Iraq, the United States is acting in violation of international humanitarian law? Also, what are your own views in this regard?


DOI Takako (Social Democratic Party)

>> Since the collapse of the Cold War structure, the emphasis has shifted from bilateral alliances to multilateral security cooperation, and I think that, in place of military strength, the quest for concrete ways to build mutual trust has become a worldwide trend. Would you like to comment on this point?

>> I believe that, because the Constitution seeks permanent peace not only for Japan but for the whole world, any regional security arrangements in which we participate must contribute to security on a global and not just a regional scale. At the same time, as I see it, the Constitution rejects military means of assuring security and aspires instead to provide what has come to be known as human security. I would like to hear your views on this point.

>> You spoke highly of Japan's patient efforts in the diplomatic sphere, and you said that regional security is linked to global security. I believe that to make these ideas a reality, we need only abide by the Constitution as it stands; there is no need whatsoever to revise it. Would you like to comment?

>> In commenting on ASEAN's efforts to encourage the transfer of power to a civilian government in Myanmar, you noted the problem of how to surmount the barrier posed by the principle of noninterference in domestic affairs. What measures do you think are available to that end?


HIRAI Takuya (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> In the field of "global governance," which includes human security, the environment, and disarmament, I think we should carry on our own independent diplomacy and not follow the lead of the United States, and I believe that Japanese diplomacy will earn greater trust if it is independent. In the sphere of "power politics," however, I think that the key point is to address the emergence of China, and that the course being taken by the Japan-U.S. alliance is realistic, but that the bilateral alliance is a means to an end, not an end in itself. How do you view this dual structure that is present in the international issues affecting Japan?

>> It has been suggested that the six-nation talks on the North Korean issue could be developed into a security framework. I would like to hear your views on this point, bearing in mind that the intentions of the six parties do not necessarily coincide.


KUSUDA Daizo (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> In the paper that was provided to us in advance, you wrote about grasping East Asia as a functional concept. Of which countries would such a framework consist?

>> In the field of security, how should we establish a sense of distance from the United States?

>> You wrote that Japan will not be permitted to take a passive attitude to regional and international cooperative actions on the grounds of its internal affairs, but what, specifically, do you mean by "internal affairs" in this context? Also, how should we overcome this?

>> In specific terms, what would you say are the common interests shared by the whole of Asia?


NAKATANI Gen (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> I am in favor of developing the six-nation talks on the North Korean issue into a regional security organization for East Asia, but should we consider this in conjunction with ASEAN, or separately?

>> How do you view the existence and economic strength of Taiwan? How should we incorporate Taiwan as a nation into the group of Asian nations pursuing international cooperation?

>> What approach do you think Japan should take in order to promote ongoing liberalization and related developments in China?

>> Postwar Japan's free-trade policies have been based on sacrificing local agriculture, forestry, and fisheries, and further moves to liberalize trade in this sector will likely have a serious impact. Should we regulate trade in this sector to counter the impact on domestic producers?

Main points of comments by members in the free discussion (in order of presentation)

OMURA Hideaki (Liberal Democratic Party)

>> Promoting an open economic structure and FTAs is essential to Japan's economic advancement. We should continue to pursue these goals while giving thought to an East Asian free economic sphere that would include China. Also, I agree with you that it is important to ensure that China follows the appropriate rules on investment, trade, intellectual property, and so on. I think that economic ties will also become a future mainstay of regional security in Northeast Asia.


DOI Takako (Social Democratic Party)

>> A challenge facing the post-Cold War world is how to improve peaceful diplomatic measures; for example, regional security is moving from bilateral relationships toward multilateral security cooperation.

>> The Constitution rejects military means of achieving security and seeks instead to prevent wars from occurring. The Constitution's true value lies in striving to make those ideals a reality. The UN Charter, while prohibiting the use of force as a general rule, recognizes its use when it serves the common interests of member nations, but we should not lose sight of the fact that the use of force cannot be recognized in Japan, even when it is under the flag of the United Nations.


SHINOHARA Takashi (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> Our efforts to address the security of Japan should not focus solely on peace diplomacy, military questions, and economic problems, but should achieve a good balance that includes such elements as the environment, human security, and food security.


OIDE Akira (Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents)

>> Solutions that place a high value on diplomacy are important in international disputes.

>> Southeast Asia, having experienced a currency crisis, is ill at ease with the unilateral way in which the United States handles political and economic matters. There is a need to bring the United States back under the international rules.

>> Compared with the process of integration in the European Union, Japan's efforts to establish a regional community in East Asia are inadequate. We should work harder to achieve peaceful settlement of disputes.